Parenting Clinical Trial
Official title:
Malezi ne Kilimo Bora (Good Parenting and Farming) - Skilful Parenting and Agribusiness Child Abuse Prevention Study (SPACAPS)
The Malezi ne Kilimo Bora ("Good Parenting and Farming" in Kiswahili) Skilful Parenting and Agribusiness Child Abuse Prevention Study is a collaboration between the University of Oxford, University of Glasgow, and the Tanzania National Medical Research Institute (NIMR). It is pilot cluster randomised controlled trial (cRCT) of a community-based intervention implemented by Investing in Children and Our Societies (ICS), an international non-governmental organization (NGO) with extensive experience operating in rural Tanzania. The overall focus of the project is to evaluate ICS's agribusiness and skilful parenting programmes' impact on the prevention of child maltreatment and improvement of child and family psychosocial and economic wellbeing (n = 8 villages, n = 16 farmer groups, n = 240 families).
Background on Child Maltreatment in Tanzania
Child maltreatment and other childhood adversities often occur in many low- and
middle-income countries at rates that are higher than in high-income countries - rates that
often exceed 50%. In Tanzania, a national survey examining violence against children (VAC)
found that almost 73.5% of females and 71.7% of males between the ages of 13 and 24 had
experienced physical violence by prior to the age of 18. Furthermore, 23.6% of females and
27.5% of males had experienced emotional violence by an adult during childhood, and 27.9% of
females and 13.4% of males had experienced some form of sexual violence before the age of 18
years. In addition, the survey identified an overlap among physical, emotional, and sexual
violence against children. Approximately 80% of respondents who experienced sexual violence
also experienced physical violence as a child, and nearly all children who experienced
physical violence also experienced emotional violence. The VAC study also found that parents
and other adult relatives are the most commonly reported perpetrators of physical and
emotional violence against children, with corporal punishment considered a social norm.
Recent advances in neuroscience, genomics, developmental psychology, epidemiology, and
economics have shed light on the long-term and far-reaching consequences of childhood
adversities, many of which, like child maltreatment, are directly related to poor parenting.
These consequences include serious physical and mental health problems later in life, as
well as difficulties in school, jobs, and relationships. Child maltreatment can have
substantial intergenerational effects in which some parents who experienced maltreatment
during childhood are more vulnerable to the risk of maltreating their own children. Child
maltreatment is also a risk factor for later intimate partner violence, increased risk of
HIV-infection, and transactional sex amongst AIDS-affected youth. Furthermore, not only is
child maltreatment a serious public health and human rights issue, but it comes at an
economic cost due to expenses relating to the treatment of victims' health problems,
criminal justice and welfare costs, and lower economic productivity.
The risks factors of child maltreatment can be best understood using an ecological
framework. A recent review of 23 quantitative studies in Africa by Meinck et al identified a
number of child, family, and social risk factors for child maltreatment. Child factors
associated with increased likelihood of physical abuse included younger children, boys,
children with disability or chronic illness, child behaviour problems, and school
non-attendance and poor performance. Family-level factors include caregiver chronic illness,
HIV/AIDS, caregiver mental health problems, caregiver disability, domestic violence,
substance abuse, poor family functioning, and inconsistent parenting. Finally, household
poverty and low socioeconomic status was found to be a major factor for increased risk of
child abuse, as well as indirectly through increased family stress and reduced parental
involvement.
Parenting Programmes to Prevent Child Maltreatment
Parenting programmes have shown particular promise in preventing child maltreatment and
other childhood adversities and averting many of the life-long negative consequences for
children and society. A recent meta-analysis reported that parenting programs successfully
reduced substantiated and self-reported child maltreatment reports and reduced the potential
for child maltreatment, both in high and middle-income countries. Often group-based, these
programmes typically aim to strengthen caregiver-child relationships through play and
praise, and to help parents to manage children's behaviour through effective,
age-appropriate, positive discipline strategies. However, almost all the evidence for their
effectiveness comes from high-income countries and they often cost many thousands of dollars
per family served. They are thus prohibitively expensive for most governments and NGOs in
low- and middle-income countries. Furthermore, their license-holders have been reluctant to
implement them in such settings due to what they perceive as lack of the requisite
infrastructure and trained personnel. In sum, there are currently no parenting programmes
that are both evidence-based and affordable for low- and middle-income countries (LMIC),
where the need is the greatest.
Economic Strengthening Programmes
Household poverty has also been identified as a risk factor for parental psychological
distress and depression as well as physical and emotional child abuse. Consequently, in
addition to improving parenting behaviour, in order to reduce the risk of child
maltreatment, it may be necessary to address issues of poverty through economic
strengthening programmes. These programmes include micro-financing, conditional and
unconditional cash transfers, and agricultural interventions that provide skills training,
credit loans, access to markets. However, there is still little empirical evidence on the
benefits of an integrated approach of economic strengthening and parenting interventions. It
may be sufficient to provide parent management training alone as a key mechanism of change
in improving parent-child relationships and reducing the risk of child maltreatment. For
instance, a recent meta-analysis by Leijten et al found that parenting programs were equally
effective for socioeconomically disadvantaged families in comparison to non-disadvantaged
families. On the other hand, some evidence suggests that families require additional support
that addresses other social risk factors including poverty and material hardship.
Furthermore, economic strengthening programs may in fact harm children if not combined with
adequate child protection. Other research in East Africa indicates linkages between economic
strengthening programs and child wellbeing, as well as the importance of integrating such
interventions with psychosocial support. Nevertheless, more research is needed to understand
the role of economic strengthening programs and parent management training in reducing on
the risk of child maltreatment, as well as the utility of using a combined approach.
Study Aims and Design
This study aims to contribute to the literature on the prevention and reduction of child
maltreatment in northern Tanzania. It will evaluate ICS's community-based intervention model
that combines Agribusiness and Skilful Parenting training using a pilot cluster randomized
controlled trial design (cRCT) in order to test intervention feasibility, acceptability, and
preliminary efficacy. It will enable us to conduct both a process and rigorous outcome
evaluation using a mixed-methods approach with qualitative focus groups and in-depth
interviews combined with quantitative implementation data and self-report questionnaires.
This pilot cRCT will randomly allocate 8 villages (16 farmer groups, 2 farmer groups per
village, 240 families, 20 families per farmer group) into the following four allocation
groups (2 villages per allocation group):
1. Agribusiness only
2. Skilful Parenting only
3. Agribusiness plus Skilful Parenting
4. One-year wait-list control
For villages allocated to Agribusiness only, Skilful Parenting only, and/or the wait-list
control group, participating farmer groups and families will have the opportunity to
participate in the other intervention components after the final follow-up data assessment
(1-year after baseline) provided that analysis of the results do not indicate any harmful
effects.
This study will examine preliminary intervention effects comparing intervention arms with
the wait-list control group as well as among active arms (Proschan, 1999). Although our
focus will be on the effect of economic strengthening combined with parenting programs on
reducing the risk of child maltreatment and improve child wellbeing, the investigators will
also be examining the potential benefits of Skilful Parenting or Agribusiness programs
delivered separately in comparison to controls.
This study will qualitatively and quantitatively examine intervention effects on
parent-child interaction and child behaviour across the developmental spectrum. This
includes (1) parents' report on interactions with a selected child between the ages of 3 to
17, (2) child report on parent-child interaction, child mental health, and child behaviour
for families with children aged 10 to 16, and (3) early childhood development assessments in
families with children aged 0 to 3. The investigators will also examine the feasibility
(acceptability, implementation, and participation) of the Agribusiness and Skilful Parenting
interventions.
Quantitative data collection will occur at 3 stages: baseline, immediate post-test, and
1-year follow-up from baseline. The investigators will use descriptive and psychometric
scales to measure family socioeconomic status, parent-child interaction (including child
maltreatment or harsh parenting), parent mental health, child depression and behaviour,
early child development and stimulation, and child biometric data. Quantitative data
collection will include parent report assessments for families with children aged 3 to 17,
child report assessments for families with children aged 10 to 16, and early childhood
development assessments for families with children aged 0 to 3. As a result, each
participating family will have a maximum of 3 assessments per data collection stage.
Qualitative data will be collected from multiple sources using focus groups and in-depth
interviews to strengthen the reliability of results: participating parents and co-parents,
children, and facilitators. Focus groups (n=4) with participating families in the
intervention arms will occur in local community centers at immediate post-test. In-depth
interviews will take place at participants' homes with a targeted selection of participating
parents, co-parents, and children (aged 10-16) at immediate post-test. In addition, focus
groups will be conducted with program facilitators (n=8) at immediate post-test. Additional
data will be collected from participants who drop out of the programme or have low
attendance rates to examine barriers to participation.
Quantitative process data will be collected using trained staff responsible for monitoring
programme facilitators. Weekly facilitator fidelity checklists will be administered after
each session of Skillful Parenting. Research staff will also collect data on participant
enrolment, participation, and engagement using attendance registers and client satisfaction
surveys administered the end of program completion. This will allow us to quantitatively
examine predictors of programme enrolment, participation, and dropout as well as potential
risk factors for withdrawal from the intervention.
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